Mustafa Malik

Category: China

India: ‘Democratic theocracy’

I WAS BORN in the hill town of Haflong in India’s Assam state. Surrounded on three sides by forests and hills, Haflong looks somewhat like Innsbruck, the lovely Austrian city, also flanked by hills.

Last week I got a call from a Muslim friend in the Assamese town of Nagaon, where my father taught at an Islamic seminary. “Come see the kind of hate that Himanta and Modi have fed to Hindus,” said Munim  (I’m reserving his last name to keep him out of trouble with Hindu nationalists.)

Himanta Biswa Sarma, Assam’s chief minister, belongs to the ruling Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The BJP and other Hindu nationalist groups have been carrying on a relentless anti-Muslim pogrom to marginalize Muslims, the largest religious minority, and replace the once-secular India with a Hindu Rashtra, Hindu theocracy.

“Two days ago, my niece came home from school, crying,” Munim said. A Hindu boy had grabbed the breast of the pretty, 15-year-old girl and said, “Say, Joi Shri Ram,” hail Lord Ram.  Ram is a Hindu god. When Hindu nationalist vigilantes swoop upon a Muslim, they often make him or her chant “Joi Shri Ram,” while beating up the victim.

A week before, Munim’s niece had given the boy an earful for pinching her in the buttock.

“Did you report this to the police?” I asked Munim.

“Police?” my friend laughed. “They are Himanta’s lackeys.” They would arrest him, branding him a “Pakistani terrorist.” Mostly Muslim Pakistan is the archenemy of the neighboring mostly Hindu India.

I live in Bangladesh and continually travel down memory lane in my native India, visiting friends and relatives and having medical checkups. The anti-Muslim pogrom raging there makes me wonder how long it would take the Hindu nationalists to turn the country into what American sociologist Peter Berger called a “democratic theocracy.” The campaign to subjugate or drive out Muslims, 14 percent of the Indian population, has overwhelming support among Hindus, who make up 80 percent.

On April 10 I was chatting with a progressive Hindu friend in his living room in the Indian city of Mumbai. Suddenly a news bulletin flashed on his TV screen, saying, “Muslim extremists” had attacked a group of Hindus in Kilgore in Madhya Pradesh state.

The story unfolded in the Indian media in the following days. Some Hindus had chanted anti-Muslim slogans and played an anti-Muslim song at a mosque in Kilgore, where Muslims were praying. Muslim youth around the mosque responded by throwing stones, slightly injuring several Hindus. Before any investigation into the incident could start, the Madhya Pradesh home minister, Narottam Mishra, announced: “The houses from where the stones were pelted will turn into rubble.” Soon 16 houses and 29 shops belonging to Kilgore Muslims were burned down while Hindu crowds cheered.

 Lynching, slapping and flogging Muslims in public and demolishing Muslim homes and businesses without legal authorization have become the norm in India.

India is a multi-national country where ethnic and religious communities enjoyed wide autonomy under loosely administered kingdoms and empires for millennia.  When the British colonial empire dissolved in India 76 years ago, the country was reorganized into a “nation-state” to run through a majoritarian democracy.  A British Cabinet delegation had proposed a confederation of what had been “British India” to allow Hindu- and Muslim-majority provinces wide autonomy to let their religious and ethnic communities live their cultural and social lives relatively freely and comfortably. Indian leaders turned down the Cabinet Mission Plan.

The secular democratic institutions introduced by India’s Western-educated founders (Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, Vallabhbhai Patel) often clash with Indians’ community life and religious values. Westminster-style democracy has now allowed Modi’s virulently anti-Muslim BJP to come to power in New Delhi and use the unconstrained institutions of a majoritarian democracy to persecute and marginalize Muslims.

Secular democracy hasn’t taken root in Muslim, Jewish or Buddhist societies, either. But, as Canadian philosopher Charles Taylor has pointed out, Hindu nationalists are more ruthless than most other religious bigots. They are “people without any piety at all,” he said, and hence their persecution of the Muslim minority has been so brutal.

Democracy is the inevitable destiny of non-Western societies, and I’m hoping that globalization and global pressures for human rights will eventually infuse tolerance toward minorities in Indian and other non-Western societies.

  • Mustafa Malik, the host of the blog After the Clash,  worked for nearly four decades as a reporter, columnist and editor for American newspapers and as a researcher for two American think tanks.

Pakistan could be in U.S. doghouse

PAKISTAN’S REFUSAL TO allow a CIA base in its territory has pissed off the Biden administration. The Americans also resent Pakistan’s close ties to China, their global adversary.

Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan has said that, given Pakistani Muslims’ bitterness toward the United States, allowing Americans a base for hostile operations in Muslim Afghanistan would be “suicidal” for his administration.

Islamabad fears a downturn in its relations with Washington, which has almost always been the case after Pakistan failed to comply with a U.S. military or security demand. The worst case, some Pakistanis say, occurred when Pakistan’s first prime minister, Liaqat Ali Khan, decided to get rid of a U.S. military base in Pakistan to avoid antagonizing what used to be the Soviet Union.  These Pakistanis link Liaqat’s decision to his assassination in 1951, referred to in declassified U.S. documents. Others, who included former Pakistani prime minister and my mentor Nurul Amin, accused the United States of orchestrating disruptions of Pakistan’s democratic process through its military and bureaucratic elements.

Amin told me in 1969 that the United States had got Pakistan’s second prime minister, Khwaja Nazimuddin, fired by the bureaucrat-turned Governor-General Ghulam Mohammad.  Nazimuddin, Amin’s close friend, had refused to join the U.S.-sponsored Baghdad Pact unless the pact had a clause stipulating that America would defend Pakistan against “external threats” (India).  My mentor said Gen. Mohammad Ayub Khan, then commander-in-chief of the Pakistan army, had carried the Pentagon’s instruction to Ghulam Mohammad and was sipping tea in Mohammad’s portico when the governor-general fired the prime minister. The governor-general, a titular head of state, didn’t have the constitutional authority to dismiss the prime minister and would not let Nazimuddin convene the parliament (Constituent Assembly) to demonstrate the support of a parliamentary majority behind him. But Gen. Ayub and the military brass signaled to the deposed prime minister that they supported the governor-general’s action.

Former Pakistani Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto wrote in her autobiography that the United States was behind the overthrow and execution of her father, Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, because Z.A. Bhutto had defied Henry Kissinger’s brutal pressure to abandon Pakistan’s nuclear program.

President Biden’s announcement that all U.S. troops would be pulled out of Afghanistan by Sept. 11 has been followed by a dramatic Taliban offensive against the forces of the Afghan President Ashraf Ghani, an American protégé. The George W. Bush administration had invaded and occupied Afghanistan 20 years ago in response to Al Qaeda’s attacks on New York and the Pentagon. Al Qaeda and the Islamic State, which the United States had dislodged from power in Iraq and Syria, have also increased their activities in in Afghanistan.  Intelligence officials have told Biden that even though the United States and its allies have “diminished” the militant forces in Afghanistan, they could threaten the U.S. homeland again in about two years.  The Biden administration is looking desperately for CIA bases to keep them in check.

Pakistan’s rejection of the CIA base proposal follows a long and devastating “war on terror” in that country, sponsored by Washington. Mostly Muslim Pakistanis have always opposed their country being dragged into a U.S. war against Muslim forces in Afghanistan and Pakistan.  Still, Pakistan had to agree to participate in that war after Richard Armitage, then U.S. deputy secretary of state, threatened the head of Pakistan’s intelligence services that America would “bomb [Pakistan] back to the Stone Age” if it did not join the U.S. fight against the Taliban and Al Qaeda. More than 70,000 Pakistanis perished in that war, which was ratcheted up by President Barack Obama (after he had won the Nobel Peace Prize!), infuriating further Pakistanis of all political stripes.

Most Pakistanis, too, feel bitter about U.S. support for each of their four military dictators and America’s hostility to the democratic governments who failed to fulfill U.S. demands. Liaqat Ali Khan, the first Pakistani prime minister, had angered the Harry Truman administration, not only by asking America to pull out its base outside the Pakistani city of Peshawar. Liaqat was friends with then Iranian Prime Minister Mohammad Mosaddeq and had turned down an American plea to pressure Mosaddeq to drop his plans to nationalize the Anglo-Persian Oil Company (predecessor of the BP). In 1953, four months after the Pakistani Prime Minister Nazimuddin had been overthrown, the CIA station chief in Tehran, Kermit Roosevelt, and the U.S. ambassador there, Loy Henderson, openly incited and bribed Iranian army officers and bureaucrats into staging a military coup against the democratically elected Iranian prime minister, whom the Eisenhower administration replaced with the tyrannical dictator Mohammad Riza Pahlavi.

The United States has often had direct links to Pakistani army generals independently of the country’s civilian authorities, but Imran Khan doesn’t seem to be in the danger of being overthrown by a U.S.-sponsored military coup. Khan has been coopted by the Pakistani army generals and is running the country, especially its foreign relations, at the generals’ behest. The Pakistani decision not to have a CIA base was basically made by those generals, who know that a U.S. base could trigger civil unrest in the country.

The Pakistani economy is in shambles, and Islamabad fears that the Americans could deny it the needed economic support and punish it diplomatically and otherwise for rejecting their base request and also for maintaining Pakistan’s historically close relations with China. The Biden administration apparently believes that having had Pakistan’s giant neighbor, India, in its corner in an anti-Chinese alliance (Japan and Australia being the other partners), it can afford to sideline Pakistan. Washington seems indifferent to the possibility of Pakistan joining a growing number of unfriendly Asian countries including China, Iran, Turkey, and Saudi Arabia.

~ Mustafa Malik worked as press secretary and speechwriter for the late Nurul Amin, Pakistani prime minister and vice president.

  • Mustafa Malik worked as press secretary and speechwriter for Nurul Amin, a former Pakistani prime minister and vice president.  He hosts the blog ‘Muslims and Liberals.’