Mustafa Malik

Democracy grows on Muslim soil

Pittsburgh Post-Gazette,
Sept. 2, 2003

WASHINGTON – If you fell for the American neoconservative propaganda that democracy doesn’t grow on Muslim soil, visit my native Bangladesh. You’ll know that it’s a lie.

Bangladesh’s population is 88 percent Muslim and its coalition government includes the Islamist Jamaat-i-Islami party. Yet Washington extols its decade-old democracy and religious “moderation.” The United States is buying one-third of Bangladesh’s exports and offering it a Free Trade Agreement to reward the transition to democracy.

There are 131 million Bangladeshis — more than 10 times the number of Pennsylvanians — living in a country less than 60 percent the size of Pennsylvania on an average annual income of $350. No wonder corruption and violence are endemic in Bangladesh. Yet governments are changing through regular elections and newspapers are having a field day lambasting and lampooning government ministers.

And Islamic symbols are everywhere in the nation that was founded to be secular.

I left what was then East Pakistan in 1971 on the eve of its independence from Pakistan to become Bangladesh. East Pakistani Muslims had been fed up with military rule supported by West Pakistani elites professing Islamic brotherhood.

The first Bangladeshi government ushered in a “secular, socialist” constitution and built close ties to the neighboring Hindu-majority India, which had fought Pakistan to deliver them independence. Yet large numbers of Bangladeshis opposed what they perceived as an anti-Islamic political ideology and the bonding with Hindus, Islam’s historical adversaries. The embattled government imposed a brutal dictatorship. It was supplanted by a military coup, which was followed by a civilian dictatorship, which was overthrown by another military coup. I wondered if my homeland would ever taste freedom and democracy.

So last June when Secretary of State Colin Powell, on a visit to Bangladesh, praised its “enormous” success in building a democracy and its role as “an eloquent, compelling and greatly needed voice of moderation,” I thought it was all baloney. My opinion began to change, however, when I arrived there the next month for a research stint, the first since I had conducted one there 22 years earlier.

Bangladesh was now pulsating with boisterous political parties and public rallies protesting government policies and jamming traffic. A retired army officer who was stuck for an hour in such a traffic jam complained to me that Bangladeshis had got “more democracy than we can handle.” Yet he predicted that I wouldn’t see military coups in Bangladesh again because “people won’t put up with it anymore.”

On the other hand, secularism and socialism had been expunged from the constitution, and voters had elected the Islamists to power. There were Islamic symbols galore in posh shopping centers and college campuses where they once were rare. Most of the store signs and billboards in Dhaka, the capital, used to be in the Bengali language. Today many were Islamic words written in the Bengali alphabet. Women’s headscarves were now a common sight in elite gatherings.

Bangladeshis’ Islamic fervor reflected, my old friends in the media and academia said, a reaction to the cultural intrusion of Hindu India and America’s “anti-Muslim” policies. Colin Powell was greeted by rallies denouncing the U.S. occupation of Iraq and support for Israel, which apparently has made Dhaka resist the highly coveted U.S. free trade proposal.

The Americans are prodding Bangladesh to trade with Israel as part of the deal. But Foreign Minister M. Morshed Khan told me that Dhaka would pass up the offer rather than deal with Israel, which occupies Muslim Palestine.

Islam has become the wellspring of their national culture. It’s fostering nationwide networks and solidarity among Bangladeshis. In the wake of the Islamic resurgence, minority Hindus have occasionally complained of greater Muslim hostility. Morshed Khan said the allegations were exaggerated. He pointed, instead, to the “massacre of thousands of Muslims [by Hindus] before the world media” in democratic India “instigated” by the ruling Hindu-fundamentalist Bharatiya Janata Party.

At any rate, Bangladeshis discounted Islam when (West) Pakistanis used it to suppress them. Independence from Pakistan has freed them from that suppression and from their inhibition to foster Islamic values, which are strengthening their cultural solidarity. Greater cultural cohesion is helping them cushion their political feuds and work a democratic system.

U.S. should nurture Arab democracy

The Columbus Dispatch
April 30, 2011

Democratization of Arab societies “would be a disaster” for the West, warns Princeton University scholar Bernard Lewis. Yet he predicts that Islamic political parties are “very likely to win … genuinely fair and free elections” in the Arab world.

Democratization of Arab societies “would be a disaster” for the West, warns Princeton University scholar Bernard Lewis. Yet he predicts that Islamic political parties are “very likely to win … genuinely fair and free elections” in the Arab world.

One of the West’s best-known historians of Islam, Lewis has echoed what many American intellectuals and politicians are saying in private. And sometimes in public. Democracy, they argue, brought Hamas “terrorists” to power in Palestine and has given Hezbollah “terrorists” a lock on the Lebanese government. Democracy has replaced Iraq’s staunchly secular and anti-Iranian – albeit autocratic – regime with a pro-Iranian pseudo-theocracy. And in Turkey, an anti-Israeli government rooted in Islam has replaced an ultra-secularist and pro-Israeli ruling establishment through free and fair elections.

Ironically, Lewis had personally lobbied former President George W. Bush to invade Iraq and democratize it and other Arab societies. Many Americans supported that campaign. The new drive to sit out Arab democratic upheavals is also shared by many Americans, especially politicians and pundits. Among them Nicholas Goldberg, the editorial page editor of the Los Angeles Times.

“It would not be beneficial to the United States for the Middle East to be democratic,” Goldberg wrote. Democracy would replace the current pro-Western Arab governments, especially in the oil-rich Persian Gulf, with anti-Western Islamic regimes. That would force the West “to pay a fair price for petroleum, which would shake the foundation of the (Western) economic system.”

Both the Arab democratization campaign of the past decade and today’s opposition to Arab democracy have a common goal: resisting Islamic forces from seizing the reins of government. Both are based on a dire misperception, i.e. that Islam-oriented regimes would necessarily endanger American or Western interests.

It’s a tribute to the West that most of the Muslim and non-Muslim societies that once fought hard to throw off the Western colonial yoke have adopted or are pursuing Western political institutions – political parties, elections, parliaments, press freedom, and so forth. Yet these societies remain deeply rooted in their own traditions and heritage.

Thus, in Muslim countries such as Iran, Iraq, Turkey, Egypt and Sudan, Westernized ruling elites have given or are giving way to political forces rooted in Islam. In others, such as Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Kuwait, Pakistan, India and Indonesia, political parties anchored to native traditions are on the rise and are forcing the adaptation of their Western-oriented state laws to native traditions.

Islam is the bedrock of Muslim social and cultural traditions. Indigenization of a Muslim society’s political process means its adjustment to Islamic values and lifestyle. Decades of Western cultural and military campaigns have failed to stem this trend. Western antipathy or indifference toward Arab pro-democracy movements wouldn’t do it, either.

But the very concern that Islamic political activism would threaten Western interests is also unfounded. Sure, anti-Americanism is agitating many Muslim minds, and it sometimes triggers terrorism. But contemporary Muslim anti-Americanism has been spawned by the American invasion, occupation and domination of a host of Muslim societies, not by Islam.

If mighty imperial armies couldn’t suppress anti-colonial movements in earlier times, today’s feckless and tottering Arab autocracies can’t ride out the greatest Arab populist upheaval in a millennium. (The Arab nationalist movement of the early twentieth century was confined mostly to military and political elites.)

The Arab spring has given America and the West an opportunity to protect their interests in that region by cultivating the revolutionary forces that are going to shape the policies and agenda of tomorrow’s Arab states.

The Obama administration needs to drop its policy of supporting some Arab pro-democracy movements and ignoring others. It should adopt a bold and principled policy of defending and aiding all populist Arab struggles. Democratic or populist governments in the Persian Gulf may ask the West to “pay a fair price for petroleum.” A fair price would be cheaper than the high price that could be demanded by governments alienated by American apathy or indifference toward the struggles that would have brought them to power.

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Mustafa Malik

journalist, writer, blogger

Mustafa Malik, the host and editor of Community, worked for three decades as a reporter, columnist and editor for the Glasgow Herald, Hartford Courant, Washington Times and other newspapers and as a fellow for the German Marshall Fund of the United States and University of Chicago Middle East Center. 

His commentaries and news analyses have appeared continually in the Washington Post, Los Angeles Times, San Francisco Chronicle, Chicago Tribune, Boston Globe, Atlanta Journal-Constitution, Dallas Morning News and other major American and overseas newspapers and journals.  

He was born in India and lives in Washington suburbs. 

As a researcher, Malik has conducted fieldwork in the United States and eight other countries in Western Europe, the Middle East and the Indian subcontinent on U.S. foreign policy options, crisis of liberalism, and religious and ethnic movements.